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Kazakhstan Country Profile

Frontpage » Country Profiles » Europe & Central Asia » Kazakhstan » Initiatives » Private Anti-Corruption Initiatives

Private Anti-Corruption Initiatives

  • Media: Freedom of media and freedom of expression are protected in the constitution, but in practice these freedoms are not satisfactorily enforced. According to Freedom House 2011, most media in Kazakhstan are regulated by the government and controlled by leading financial groups entrenched in the ruling circles. The same report further states that the few independent media outlets existing in the country have been rendered non-competitive and, as a result, operate mainly on the Internet. In January 2009, Parliament adopted an amendment package for Kazakhstan's media law that puts into place some changes that have long been recommended by civil society and the international observers. The amendments eased some of the administrative burdens on media, simplifying the registration process and the possibility for the media to appeal to courts against denials of governmental information, and the possibility to use voice recorders and cameras to collect, but not to disseminate, information. Nonetheless, another Freedom House 2011 source reports that President Nursultan Nazarbayev and his Nur Otan party continue to use restrictive tactics, including arbitrary arrests and prosecutions to muzzle critical media outlets. Hence, further reforms are needed. According to Reporters Without Borders 2010, media prosecutions involve accusations for 'defaming' the President, often resulting in the closure of opposition newspapers and physical harassment of journalists. In 2009, the weeklies Taszharghan and Respublika faced closure after courts ordered them each to pay fines of USD 300,000 to 400,000 on dubious pretexts, according to Freedom House 2010. Additionally, the editor of the weekly Alma-Ata Info received a 3-year sentence for revealing state secrets while reporting on a corruption investigation. Furthermore, media outlets have been subjected to numerous interventions ranging from tax audits to fire and safety inspections and encounter continual difficulties in finding printing houses. Citizens are generally able to access the internet but regular usage is only around 3%, connection costs are quite high, and some websites are blocked by the government. According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, the new Kazakhstani Law on Mass Media fails to comply with OSCE obligations. Reporters Without Borders 2011 ranks Kazakhstan 162nd out of 178 countries, while Freedom House 2011 ranks the country 172nd out of 196 countries and describes its media environment as 'not free'.

  • Civil Society: Civil society in Kazakhstan is not well developed and its freedom to operate is limited in practice. This is due partly to the fact that the country has no significant history of civic participation in political life, but also because of the strong executive control over society. There are 5,000 non-governmental organisations in Kazakhstan, of which over 1,700 are operating actively, according to Freedom House 2011. Furthermore, most of these are quasi-governmental, propped up to compete with independent NGOs in obtaining grants, and fewer than 200 are able to make a positive impact. A 2007 amendment authorising the state to fund NGOs has allowed a number of NGOs to receive support from the government. However, the process of issuing contracts is less than transparent, and government officials reportedly demand kickbacks, as emphasised by the Freedom House 2011. The increase in state funding has heralded a decline in international donor aid. The government has sought to reward and fund pro-government NGOs, while portraying the opposition, independent NGOs, and civil society organisations either as obstructing the democratic pursuit or as simply incapable of devising effective policies.

  • Transparency Kazakhstan: Transparency Kazakhstan, a local chapter of Transparency International, researches instances of corruption and provides recommendations on anti-corruption issues. The organisation holds workshops, seminars and conferences in order to engage the population more in anti-corruption awareness and efforts. In June 2008, Transparency Kazakhstan held an anti-corruption conference, 'Public Mechanisms on Preventing Corruption in Kazakhstan', which brought together government officials, civil society representatives, and diplomats. At this conference, the role of, among others, public institutions was discussed. The website of Transparency Kazakhstan has valuable information, including surveys on issues such as the amount and types of corruption in the oil and gas sector. In 2008, Transparency International launched an Anti-Corruption Legal Centre (ALAC, in Russian) in Kazakhstan. The ALAC aims at promoting the relationship between citizens' demand for justice based on corruption cases, and the capacity of the system to address these cases.

  • Soros Foundation Kazakhstan: Soros Foundation Kazakhstan has come to play a significant role in shaping social policy through its effectiveness and widespread influence in many spheres. It has aimed at combating corruption, increasing access to information, supporting independent mass media, enhancing education and culture, strengthening the institutions of civil society, and helping protect vulnerable groups. Soros Foundation Kazakhstan has established the Kazakhstan Revenue Watch as another entry point for information on oil and gas revenues. Kazakhstan Revenue Watch, among other NGOs, has criticised companies and the government for insufficient backing of the EITI.

  • Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI): Kazakhstan joined the EITI in 2005. In 2007, the NGO coalition Oil Revenues under Public Oversight published an evaluation report on the first two years of EITI implementation in Kazakhstan. According to the report, effective implementation is lacking, with a failure to spread the principles of the initiative to all companies in the extractive industries sector, and too few human and capital resources invested in the implementation of the initiative. According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, the effectiveness of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative remains negligible.
  • Adil Soz: Adil Soz is a foundation for protection of freedom of speech. The main goal of this foundation is establishment of an open civil society based on free, objective and progressive journalism. Adil Soz regularly publishes reports and books on the conditions of journalists in Kazakhstan.